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CRS-21
responsibility for nuclear policy planning and decision-making. But, if the United
States develops new nuclear warheads that can fulfill nonstrategic missions with
delivery from a strategic platforms (such as a heavy bomber), the need for forward
basing in Europe diminishes. Hence, some believe that the blurring of the distinction
between nonstrategic and strategic delivery vehicles, along with the increasing
concerns about threats outside of Europe, have reduced the utility of forward-
deployed nuclear weapons.
Some also question whether the United States and NATO might benefit from
the removal of these weapons. Not only would this address the Air Force's
operational and security costs associated with their deployment, it also could serve
as a signal to Russia of NATO's intentions to address Russia's perception of the
threat from NATO. This, in turn, might encourage Russia to accept negotiated limits
or transparency measures on its nonstrategic nuclear weapons. Some also believe
that a NATO "step away" from these weapons would encourage Russia to reduce its
reliance on nonstrategic nuclear weapons.
The Relationship between Nonstrategic Nuclear Weapons and U.S.
Nonproliferation policy. The Bush Administration has stated that the new U.S.
nuclear posture, along with the research into the development of new types of nuclear
warheads, contributes to U.S. efforts to stem the proliferation of nuclear, chemical,
and biological weapons. It argues that, by creating a more credible threat against the
capabilities of nations that seek these weapons, the U.S. policy deters their
acquisition or deployment. It also reinforces the value of the U.S. extended deterrent
to allies in Europe and Japan, thus discouraging them from acquiring their own
nuclear weapons.48
Critics of the Administration's policy question whether the United States needs
new nuclear weapons to deter the acquisition or use of WMD by other nations; as
was noted above, they claim that U.S. conventional weapons can achieve this
objective. Further, many analysts claim that the U.S. policy will actually spur
proliferation, encouraging other countries to acquire their own WMD. Specifically,
they note that U.S. plans and programs reinforce the view that nuclear weapons have
military utility. If the world's only conventional superpower needs more nuclear
weapons to maintain its security, then other nations could also argue that nuclear
weapons would serve their security interests. Consequently, according to the
Administration's critics, the United States will ignite a new arms race if it pursuesnew types of nuclear weapons to achieve newly defined battlefield objectives.49 The
Administration has countered this argument by noting that few nations acquire
48 An Assessment of the Impact of Repeal of the Prohibition on Low Yield Warhead
Development on the Ability of the United States to Achieve its Nonproliferation Objectives,
jointly submitted to the Congress by the Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense, and
Secretary of Energy, March 2004, p. 4.
49 "The long term consequences of developing new nuclear weapons might well be to push
Iran, North Korea, and other states to work harder and faster in developing and
manufacturing their own nukes." See William Arkin, "New Nukes? No Way," Los Angeles
Times, August 17, 2003.
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Woolf, Amy F. Nonstrategic Nuclear Weapons, report, September 9, 2004; Washington D.C.. (https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metacrs6104/m1/24/: accessed May 21, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, UNT Digital Library, https://digital.library.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.