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CRS-22
nuclear weapons in response to U.S. nuclear programs. They do so either to address
their own regional security challenges, or to counter U.S. conventional superiority.5
Policy Options
Status Quo. The Bush Administration, and some analysts outside
government, argue that the United States does not have to adopt any new or different
policies to address the issues raised above. They argue that the 2001 Nuclear Posture
Review strengthened the U.S. nuclear deterrent by adjusting U.S. strategy and
doctrine to address emerging, rather than Cold War, threats. They do not believe that
these policy changes undermine U.S. nonproliferation policy or that they make the
use of nuclear weapons more likely in future conflicts.
The Bush Administration also has not adopted any new policies to address the
potential risks created by Russia's continued deployment of nonstrategic nuclear
weapons. It did not address these weapons in the negotiations on the Strategic
Offensive Reductions Treaty, although Administration officials did pledge to raise
concerns about these weapons in discussions with their Russian counterparts.
However, the Administration appears to believe that any concerns about the safety
and security of these weapons can be addressed through the ongoing Cooperative
Threat Reduction Program. They argue, however, that Russian nonstrategic nuclear
weapons pose no military threat to stability or security for the United States or its
allies, and therefore, require no unilateral or cooperative responses from the United
States.5' Further, some argue that any reciprocal or cooperative effort to address
concerns about Russia's nonstrategic nuclear weapons, such as negotiated
transparency or arms control measures, could undermine U.S. flexibility and limit
U.S. and NATO options for the deployment of nonstrategic nuclear weapons.
Specifically, "pursuing arms control agreements on these weapons might undercut
NATO's nuclear posture, generating political pressure to withdraw the remaining
weapons." In addition, "arms control would make problematic the development of
new [nonstrategic nuclear weapons] capabilities that may be required to deter and
defend against today's threats, and, especially, for the deterrence of rogue states
armed with weapons of mass destruction."52
Reduce reliance on nuclear weapons. Many analysts believe the United
States should adopt a policy that reduces its reliance on nuclear weapons, in general,50 An Assessment of the Impact of Repeal of the Prohibition on Low Yield Warhead
Development on the Ability of the United States to Achieve its Nonproliferation Objectives,
jointly submitted to the Congress by the Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense, and
Secretary of Energy, March 2004, p. 4
" An official with the Bush Administration's National Security Council staff has stated that
"Russia's theater nuclear weapons, even if modernized, will not give Moscow the capability
to alter the strategic landscape." He further noted that "Russia's theater nuclear weapons are
not... destabilizing." See Robert Joseph, "Nuclear Weapons and Regional Deterrence," In
Larson, Jeffrey A. and Kurt J. Klingenberger, editors, Controlling Non-Strategic Nuclear
Weapons: Obstacles and Opportunities, United States Air Force, Institute for National
Security Studies, July 2001, p. 90.52 Ibid. p. 92.
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Woolf, Amy F. Nonstrategic Nuclear Weapons, report, September 9, 2004; Washington D.C.. (https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metacrs6104/m1/25/: accessed May 21, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, UNT Digital Library, https://digital.library.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.